\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

Page 33 of 41 1 32 33 34 41
\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


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[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

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Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

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With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n
\"Colonel
Colonel Go\u00efta has led two coups in the last nine months<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

French troops will continue to operate there independently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Colonel
Colonel Go\u00efta has led two coups in the last nine months<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

It added: \"While awaiting these guarantees, France has decided to suspend, as a temporary measure, joint military operations with Malian forces.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops will continue to operate there independently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Colonel
Colonel Go\u00efta has led two coups in the last nine months<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

On Thursday France's armed forces ministry said that both Ecowas and the AU had set \"the framework for the political transition in Mali\".<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It added: \"While awaiting these guarantees, France has decided to suspend, as a temporary measure, joint military operations with Malian forces.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops will continue to operate there independently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Colonel
Colonel Go\u00efta has led two coups in the last nine months<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

\n

This week the West African grouping Ecowas and the African Union (AU) suspended Mali from their bodies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On Thursday France's armed forces ministry said that both Ecowas and the AU had set \"the framework for the political transition in Mali\".<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It added: \"While awaiting these guarantees, France has decided to suspend, as a temporary measure, joint military operations with Malian forces.\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops will continue to operate there independently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Colonel
Colonel Go\u00efta has led two coups in the last nine months<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n\n\n\n

What is happening in Mali?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Coup leader Colonel Assimi Go\u00efta was named transitional president by the constitutional court last Friday - two days after he declared himself the interim leader.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He defended the removal of President Bah Ndaw and Prime Minister Moctar Ouane as necessary because they had failed in their duties and were seeking to sabotage the country's transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Soldiers arrested and detained the two men after a cabinet reshuffle that Col Go\u00efta said he was not consulted about.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

He also led the coup last August, which saw the elected President Ibrahim Boubacar Ke\u00efta forced out of office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Col Go\u00efta has now promised that a new prime minister will be appointed within days, and that elections will still go ahead next year as planned.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why is Mali so unstable?<\/h2>\n\n\n\n

Mali is a vast, landlocked former French colony, and large areas are poor and underdeveloped.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A coup in 2012 led to militant Islamists exploiting the chaos and seizing the north of the country.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

French troops helped regain territory, but attacks have continued as the insurgents have capitalised on the persistent political instability in the region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This has all led to public confidence waning over the army leaders' ability to tackle the Islamist insurgency that has spilled into neighbouring Burkina Faso and Niger.<\/p>\n","post_title":"France suspends military ties with Mali over coup","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"france-suspends-military-ties-with-mali-over-coup","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5391","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5378,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_date_gmt":"2021-06-06 19:44:00","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 04 June 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/unocha.exposure.co\/a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Migrants and Refugees in Yemen<\/em><\/h3>\n\n\n\n

The road from Ras al-Ara to the port city of Aden, in southern Yemen, runs for almost 90 miles through barren, windswept desert. The landscape is scorched by the sun, and temperatures often teeter around 40\u00b0C. Reminders of Yemen\u2019s complex six-year-old war abound: burned-out tanks litter the roadways and stern fighters man checkpoints. Occasionally, along the road, you\u2019ll see small clusters of people\u2014mainly young men\u2014making the arduous trek towards some dimly glimpsed point on the horizon, often carrying only a bottle of water and wearing only flip-flops on their feet.\"Two<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Two Ethiopian men, aged 15 and 17, walk the long road towards Aden from Ras-al-Ara, some 150 km to the east. They arrived a week earlier from Djibouti by smuggler boat.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These lonely figures in the burning desert are some of the tens of thousands of East African migrants and refugees \u2014 mainly from Ethiopia and Somalia \u2014 who head north, braving the dangers of war-torn Yemen in search of a better life in Saudi Arabia. They are part of \u201cone of the great unseen humanitarian crises of our era,\u201d as an international aid worker in Aden put it recently. They have arrived in rickety, overcrowded dhows from smuggling ports in Djibouti and Somalia, yet they count themselves the lucky ones. That\u2019s because they have often seen their fellow travellers dead of thirst in the deserts of East Africa, and because many of the boats sink in the choppy, shark-infested waters of the straits that lie between Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, there were 274 recorded deaths on such dhows, but without proper registration and tracking that number is surely much higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ras al-Ara is a small windswept town known for its fishing and for its smugglers. Many boats transporting migrants and refugees land there because of its proximity to the Djiboutian coast. Recently, just outside town, two slender young men from central Ethiopia in red T-shirts, both named Mohamed, were ambling along the cracked tarmac, seemingly stunned by the blaring sun. Around 60 migrants had arrived in the last few days, according to a worker for the UN\u2019s International Organization for Migration (IOM). One of the young men was 17 and the other 18. They were both from Oromia, a region that UNICEF says has the highest number of children living in poverty in Ethiopia, and they were both hungry. (According to IOM monitoring, the vast majority of migrants on this route are Oromo.) An IOM mobile team, tasked with providing emergency and medical support to people along the way, stopped to give them food.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

When the two men finished the water and high-energy biscuits provided by the mobile team, they began to tell their stories. They had both been in high school in central Ethiopia, but their school had closed because of the increasing tensions between different ethnic groups in their town, they said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Both Mohameds were friends, and they decided to leave when an older man told them they could find work abroad. He introduced them to a smuggler, who agreed to take them through Djibouti and across the sea to Yemen. They said it was unclear to them where they would find work, but they\u2019d heard that work was abundant in Yemen. (According to IOM, the vast majority of migrants hope to go to Saudi Arabia.) They did not understand that the country was in the middle of a civil war.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elder Mohamed started to tell the story of their first week in Yemen. Six days beforehand, after a sea journey that lasted around 12 hours, their boat landed just before dawn on the shore nearby. \u201cWe arrived on the boat, and immediately we were surrounded by men with guns,\u201d he said. \u201cThey demanded money and held us until we paid. Of the 60 who arrived, 54 are now free. There are still six people being held by them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Yemen, migrants like the two Mohameds face kidnap, torture, detention and abuse by smugglers, armed groups and criminal gangs, who try to extort their already impoverished families. Kidnappers will get their captives to call their families and funnel more to their facilities, from where they promise to spirit the migrants to Saudi Arabia, but where they actually extort them for every penny they can find.\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A young Ethiopian man on a notorious smugglers\u2019 beach on Yemen's remote southern coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe smugglers gave us mobile telephones to call our families, and they told us to transfer money to them,\u201d said the older Mohamed. \u201cDuring the time, they beat us, using long sticks\u2014\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201c\u2014and the butts of their rifles,\u201d added the younger Mohamed.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\u201cWe were just being beaten, and there was nothing to think about except the beatings,\u201d the elder Mohamed continued. \u201cWe spent every day there fearing death.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

\"East<\/p>\n\n\n\n

East African men gather at a former football stadium in Aden. The stadium now serves as a well-known meeting place for migrants and refugees who are making their way through Yemen towards Saudi Arabia and beyond.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A local OCHA staff member meets with migrants and refugees at a former football stadium in Aden. Many tell stories of kidnapping, extortion and prolonged imprisonment.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Yemeni kidnappers demanded that their captives paid them 600 Ethiopian birr (around US$15). According to IOM, they were lucky: some migrants get extorted for more than $1,000. It took the young men\u2019s families about six days to gather the money and transfer it to Yemen. \u201cWhen they received the money, they released us, each by name,\u201d the elder Mohamed said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, they were both continuing on. Where to, they didn\u2019t know exactly, but they would try Aden and then head north. What about the front line? The war? \u201cEh, we are not scared,\u201d one of them said. \u201cAfter what we have just been through, we might die but we cannot be scared.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Migrants and refugees next to a former football stadium in Aden.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In early March, the suffering of East African migrants in Yemen briefly made headlines after a migrant detention centre, run by the authorities in Sana\u2019a, was set ablaze. The centre can accommodate only 300 people, but at that time it held a staggering 900 people. Around 350 migrants were crammed into close, jail-like conditions in a hangar area, and they began protesting their treatment. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

When a special team called in by the regular guards fired three tear gas canisters into the centre, it caught alight. The detainees were trapped. At least 45 migrants died and more than 200 were injured. One migrant told Human Rights Watch that he saw his fellow inmates \u201croasted alive.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With conditions so bad in Yemen, it\u2019s worth asking why so many migrants and refugees brave the journey. An answer lies in economics\u2014a recent IOM study found<\/a> that many migrants made just over $60 a month at home, whereas their counterparts could earn more than $450 working menial jobs in Saudi Arabia. \u201cThere\u2019s no work, no money in Ethiopia,\u201d said one of the Mohameds.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But is the risk worth it? Some migrants don\u2019t understand the risks they are undertaking, at least when they set off from Ethiopia. The recent IOM study found that only 30 per cent of Ethiopian migrants surveyed arriving in Djibouti knew that there was a war in Yemen. In smuggling ports in Djibouti and elsewhere, IOM-led sensitization and return programmes try to ensure that before the migrants board the boats to Yemen, they do understand the dangers they will face as they travel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But even after sensitization, and the realization that there is a civil war in Yemen, migrants still decide to make the journey. Some are assured by smugglers at home that everything will be taken care of\u2014only to end up kidnapped or stuck at the Saudi border; some mistakenly believe that the instability will allow them to cross Yemen with greater ease; and others merely assume the risk. As one migrant recently put it: \u201cWe are already living in death in Ethiopia.\u201d\"Boots<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Boots outside a tent in a settlement on the outskirts of Marib in central Yemen. Well-made boots are an expensive and precious commodity for most migrants and refugees.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
A Government-supported settlement in Marib City. To qualify for free tents and water, these migrants work as street sweepers in the city as well as receiving a nominal sum from city officials. Many migrants are travelling through Yemen and heading for Saudi Arabia, where work opportunities can be better.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Perhaps the best answer to the question of why people decide to make such a perilous journey comes from history. Human beings have travelled along this route since the days of mankind\u2019s earliest journeys. It is most probably the path over which, 70,000 years ago, Homo sapiens left Africa and went on to populate the world. People probably always will find a way to continue migrating along this path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The difference now is that for the past few years, many more people are deciding to make the trip because of the dire economic situation in the region, which is fuelled by drought and war. According to IOM, the number of people making the trip almost doubled between 2014 and 2019. Two years ago, 138,000 irregular migrants travelled from the Horn of Africa to Yemen, and even though pandemic-related concerns deterred a number of people from making the trip in 2020, some 37,500 migrants still landed in Yemen last year. More than 32,000 migrants are believed to be currently trapped in Yemen. IOM\u2019s programme to voluntarily return people who have become stuck on the migrant trail has also been stymied by border closures. The result is an intensifying and largely invisible humanitarian crisis in a country fraught with crises\u2014at least 19 million people in Yemen need humanitarian assistance, and 17 million are at risk of starvation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Sitting on a low wall, East African men wait to be checked by an IOM mobile medical team after having just arrived from northern Africa by smuggler boats.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

The dearth of funding for the UN\u2019s Yemen response threatens the already limited essential services IOM is able to provide for these people. \u201cMigrants are among the most vulnerable people in Yemen, with the least amount of support,\u201d said Olivia Headon, IOM Yemen\u2019s spokesperson. \u201cThis isn't surprising, given the scale of the crisis and the sheer level of needs across Yemen, but more support is needed for this group. It's really concerning that we have over 32,000 stranded migrants across the country without access to the most basic necessities like food, water, shelter and health care.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Near Ras al-Ara, the IOM mobile team set up a clinic to tend to migrants. The migrants can be stuck in the region for months\u2014on rare occasions even years\u2014as they try to work odd jobs and move onwards. \u201cWhen migrants arrive in Yemen, they're usually extremely tired and in need of emergency medical care,\u201d said Headon. \u201cMobile teams travel around where migrants arrive and provide this care. The teams are made up of doctors, nurses and other health workers as well as translators, because it's vitally important that the migrants and the doctors there can communicate.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yasser Musab, a doctor with IOM\u2019s Migrant Response Point in Aden, said that migrants \u201csuffer in Ras al-Ara.\u201d He continued: \u201cThere are so many smugglers in Ras al-Ara\u2014you can\u2019t imagine what they do to the migrants, hitting them, abusing them, so we do what we can to help them.\u201d Women, he said, are the most vulnerable; the IOM teams try to provide protection support to those who need it.\"An<\/p>\n\n\n\n

An Ethiopian migrant lies on a gurney used by IOM mobile doctors to check people who have recently arrived.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Around 16 per cent of migrants recorded on this route in the last three months were women (11 per cent are children and the rest are men). \u201cWomen are more vulnerable to being trafficked and also experiencing abuse in general, including sexual abuse and exploitation,\u201d said Headon. She explained that, unlike men, women often were not able to pay the full cost of the journey upfront. \u201cThey are in debt by the time they get to their destination. And this situation feeds into trafficking, because there's this ongoing relationship between the trafficker and the victim, and there is exploitation there and an explicit expectation that they\u2019ll pay off their debts.\u201d She said that with COVID-19, more migrants have been stuck in Yemen, and women have been trapped in situations of indentured servitude.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Because of funding shortfalls, the invaluable work of providing food, medical assistance and protection support falls to the same IOM response teams. \u201cWe distribute water, dates, biscuits,\u201d said Musab, \u201cbut the main job of the medical teams is to provide medical care.\u201d He said that some cases can be treated locally, but some injuries and illnesses require them to be transferred to hospitals in Aden. During the pandemic, medical workers have also been on the front lines of checking for symptoms of the virus among recently arrived migrants. (Contrary to some xenophobic propaganda distributed in Yemen, confirmed cases among migrants have been very low.)\"The<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The words 'God Halp Me' tattooed on the arm of a young East African man at a shelter in Aden, on Yemen's south coast.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ahmad, a farmer in his forties from Ethiopia\u2019s Oromia region, was one of the migrants who came to Musab\u2019s team for a check-up. This is his second time travelling from East Africa to Saudi Arabia, where he lived twice before the police deported him back to Ethiopia. (Deportations and repatriations of East African migrants have occasionally occurred from Yemen, and more systematically from Saudi Arabia, although these depend upon the wax and wane of bilateral relations between host nations and the migrants\u2019 countries of origin.)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Why had he decided to make the journey again? \u201cIn Ethiopia there\u2019s no money,\u201d he said, repeating the common refrain. \u201cIn Saudi there\u2019s a lot of money and you can earn a lot of money,\u201d Ahmad continued, saying he has four children to provide for back in Ethiopia. \u201cI only want for my family to live in peace, to make enough money for my family.\u201d  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On his first trip, in the early 2000s, Ahmad travelled from Ethiopia through Somalia to get a boat to Yemen and then walked 24 days to the southern Saudi city of Jazan. He was deported to Yemen after six months but was able to enter again, staying there for about 15 years and working on a farm before he was apprehended.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In early 2020, Ahmad decided to make the trip to Saudi Arabia again, but this time his journey was curtailed around Ras al-Ara because of COVID-19 restrictions and local checkpoints. \u201cTo survive, I\u2019ve worked here as a fisherman, maybe one or two days a week,\u201d he said. \u201cNow I\u2019m trapped here. I\u2019ve been stuck here for eight months in this desert.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
IOM mobile teams perform health checks on recently arrived East African migrants and refugees. Most arrive in the early morning after leaving the north African coast the night before.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

Some East African migrants and refugees have been trapped in Yemen for much longer. Since Somalia descended into civil war in 1991, refugees have lived in Aden\u2019s Basateen sector. Sometimes locals call it Somal<\/em>, the Arabic word for Somalia, because so many Somalis live there. People who make the journey from Somalia are automatically considered refugees when they arrive in Yemen. Among them there are those who insist they are better off than they could ever be in their own country despite the ongoing war in Yemen and its privations (of water, health care and safety). IOM and UNHCR run clinics in the area to provide emergency care to migrants and refugees respectively, but with funding for humanitarian assistance running low, not everyone can be provided for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Saida, a 30-year-old mother of three from Mogadishu, recently visited a UNHCR-sponsored clinic in Basateen so that a nurse could check up on her children. She wore a jet-black hijab<\/em> and cradled her youngest, a seven-month-old named Mahad. She said the clinic is essential for the health of her young children. Two of them\u2014twins named Amir and Amira\u2014suffered from severe acute malnutrition, she explained, and the clinic provides essential support to her and nutrition for her children. \u201cI came here to provide a better life for my children; in Somalia we were very hungry and very poor,\u201d Saida explained. She was pregnant with Mahad when she took the boat from Somalia eight months ago, and she gave birth to him as a refugee in Yemen.\"Women<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Women and children in the Al-Basateen neighbourhood. The area is home to the majority of Aden\u2019s refugees, many of whom are from Somalia.<\/h5>\n\n\n\n

<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Somalia, Saida was constantly afraid of violence. Aden, which has been relatively peaceful since she arrived, seems like a relatively safe place to her. \u201cThe war is much worse in Somalia,\u201d she said. \u201cI feel safer in Yemen. I\u2019m saving my life right now.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ordinary Yemenis, for their part, often feel a duty to help migrants and refugees, despite the privations of war\u2014Headon explained that people leave out tanks of water for the migrants traversing the deserts of south Yemen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Still, Saida says, she cannot find regular work and she relies on UNHCR\u2019s services to keep her children alive. \u201cThe community health volunteers have helped me a lot. They have helped me take care of my children and put me in touch with specialists, and they taught me how to continue with the treatments,\u201d Saida continued. \u201cThey also taught me how to identify signs of my children relapsing into sickness or having contracted other diseases. Now, thanks be to God, everything is going well with them.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
\"A<\/figure>\n\n\n\n
Doctors attend to patients at a UNHCR-supported free primary health-care facility in Aden\u2019s Al-Basateen neighbourhood.<\/a><\/h5>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, some migrants have settled too, carving out careers of sorts for themselves on the fishing dhows and on long sea journeys transporting people like themselves. On a beach dotted with anchored boats the afternoon after the two Mohameds were freed, a young Yemeni man in a sarong was distributing fistfuls of cash to migrants sitting on the ground. At first, the man claimed that the money was payment for work on the boats, but then he suggested that, in fact, the labourers had been working on a farm. It was unclear why they were being paid.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The men who sat around him in a circle were mainly African migrants, and they waited shouting and jostling before quietening down, as each man got up, explained to the young man what work he had done and received his money. \u201cI fished more than he did,\u201d one shouted. \u201cWhy are you giving him more money?\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the first to get up was Faisal, a 46-year-old Somali man with a pronounced swagger and cracked teeth, his head wrapped in a white turban. He paid around $200 to come to Yemen from Somalia\u2019s Puntland region in 2010, and he has lived in Ras al-Ara for the past seven years. He had worked as a soldier in Puntland, but then he feuded with his brother, lost his job and was forced to leave.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Ras al-Ara, Faisal works odd jobs to get by. On good days he makes just under $20. \u201cSometimes I work as a fisherman and sometimes I travel to Somalia on a boat to get other Somalis and bring them here.\u201d When he wants to find work, he\u2019ll come to the beach in the evening, wait with other casual labourers, and then fishing captains or smugglers will come and hire him.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Headon pointed out that the boats are often packed full to increase smuggling profits and that the smugglers often force people from the boats. Usually, Faisal said, there are about 120 people in each 15-metre dhow. \u201cThey\u2019re overcrowded, and they often sink and many people drown.\u201d<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Faisal said that the Yemenis had been very accommodating to him. \u201cIt\u2019s almost like a homeland, Yemen now,\u201d he said. Still, he wants most of all to return home once he has saved some money. (IOM and UNHCR run a return programme for Somali refugees, but it has been on hold since the pandemic began.) \u201cFrankly, I don\u2019t like it here,\u201d he said. \u201cMy dream is to return to my country. If I had money, I\u2019d go back to my country directly.\u201d<\/p>\n","post_title":"A Great Unseen Humanitarian Crisis","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"a-great-unseen-humanitarian-crisis","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5378","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5363,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:23:08","post_content":"\n

\u00a9 IBI World Limited<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am Samstag, den 29. Mai, gewann Chelsea London im Stadion von Porto die Champions League und besiegte Manchester City mit 1:0. Das klingt nach Sportnachrichten, ist es aber nicht. Wie der Versuch vieler der gr\u00f6\u00dften europ\u00e4ischen Klubs zeigt, eine Super League zu schaffen, die nicht mehr an nationalen Meisterschaften teilnimmt, sondern ein exklusiver Zusammenschluss der reichsten Mannschaften der Welt ist[1]<\/sup><\/a>, steht viel mehr auf dem Spiel als ein Ball und 22 Jungen in kurzen Hosen, die ihm nachlaufen. Dies ist ein sehr wichtiges politisches, soziales und wirtschaftliches Thema.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Am 29. Mai wurde in Portugal die Herrscherfamilie der Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate, jene von Scheich Al-Nahyan[2]<\/sup><\/a>, von der des russischen \u00d6lmanns Roman Abramovich[3]<\/sup><\/a> besiegt, der damit zum zweiten Mal innerhalb von zehn Jahren die wichtigste Fu\u00dfballklub-Troph\u00e4e der Welt gewann. Um dies zu erreichen, zahlte Scheich Mansour Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, der j\u00fcngere Bruder von Abu Dhabis Machthaber Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan, 4 Milliarden Dollar f\u00fcr den Kauf der Vereinsaktien und gibt nun jedem Jahr rund 600 Millionen Dollar aus, 80 Millionen Dollar mehr als Chelsea, um Manchester City an die Spitze Europas zu bringen[4]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hinter dem Scheich steht nat\u00fcrlich seine ganze Familie, denn Manager von Manchester City ist Khaldoon Al Mubarak, General Manager und CEO der Mubadala-Gruppe, deren Chef und gr\u00f6\u00dfter Aktion\u00e4r Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan ist, und Mansour ist der Vizepr\u00e4sident[5]<\/sup><\/a>. Die Mubadala Group, eine Finanzholding, die j\u00e4hrlich \u00fcber 240 Milliarden US-Dollar fakturiert[6]<\/sup><\/a>, ist das Ergebnis der Konzentration aller Finanz-, Bau-, Industrie- und Milit\u00e4raktivit\u00e4ten in den Vereinigten Arabischen Emiraten[7]<\/sup><\/a> - und ist das Projekt womit Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan bereitet sein Land auf eine Welt vor, in der \u00d6l nicht mehr die zentrale Bedeutung hat, die es heute hat. Um die Gr\u00f6\u00dfe zu verstehen, betr\u00e4gt das gesamte nationale Bruttoinlandsprodukt des Landes 420 Milliarden Dollar, weniger als das Doppelte des Umsatzes eines einzelnen Unternehmens ...<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Die Aktien von Manchester City, die sich im Besitz der Familie des Scheichs befinden, werden von einer Holdinggesellschaft, der City Football Group Ltd., gehalten, einem in Manchester ans\u00e4ssigen Unternehmen, das auch die Mannschaften des New York City FC, Melbourne City (Australien), Yokohama F. Marinos (Japan), Montevideo City Torque (Uruguay), Girona (Spanien), Sichuan Jiunju (China), Mumbay City (Indien), Lommel SK (Belgien) und Estac Troyes (Frankreich) kontrolliert[8]<\/sup><\/a>. Es gibt keine offiziellen Daten zu den Kosten dieser beeindruckenden Liste von Profimannschaften \u2013 zu denen die 693 Millionen Dollar hinzugef\u00fcgt werden m\u00fcssen, die f\u00fcr einen Zeitraum von f\u00fcnf Jahren f\u00fcr das Sponsoring der Trikots von Real Madrid und Arsenal London gezahlt wurden[9]<\/sup><\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In der heftigen Opposition zwischen den Emiraten und Katar liegt der Schwerpunkt in Doha, neben der sehr teuren Verwaltung von Paris St. Germain[10]<\/sup><\/a>, eher auf der Organisation von Weltklasse-Events wie dem FIFA-Pokal und dem Formel-1-Grand-Prix. Aus Sicht der Westler sind beide Strategien verr\u00fcckt und nutzlos, und au\u00dferdem werden sie durch die Versklavung von Tausenden von Einwanderern und die Abschaffung von Substanzen durchgef\u00fchrt, die f\u00fcr Arbeiten verwendet werden k\u00f6nnten, die den Lebensstandard vieler muslimischen Bev\u00f6lkerungen, \u00fcberw\u00e4ltigt von Krieg, vom Elend, von der Geiselnahme bis hin zu diplomatischen Konflikten mit fiktivem religi\u00f6sen Hintergrund ver\u00e4ndern k\u00f6nnten.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Warum all dieses Geld? Um die Zuneigung, Mitgliedschaft und Sympathie der Einwohner der St\u00e4dte zu erlangen, deren Teams dank des Geldes der Emirate bessere sportliche Ergebnisse erzielen k\u00f6nnen? In der modernen Soziologie wird seit einem Vierteljahrhundert argumentiert, dass ein Prozess unumst\u00f6\u00dflicher Ver\u00e4nderungen stattfindet, der sehr bald jede engstirnige Wahrnehmung der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit von Mannschaften ausl\u00f6schen wird - wie es im amerikanischen Profisport der Fall ist, dessen Vereine ihr Sitz relativ h\u00e4ufig \u00e4ndern, sobald eine andere Stadtverwaltung eine bessere Infrastruktur und steuerliche Behandlung anbietet. [11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure><\/div>\n\n\n\n

Die Ausrufung des VAE-Meistertitels 2017-2018, gewonnen vom FC Al Ain, im Besitz von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan<\/sub><\/strong>[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/sub><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ganz im Gegenteil zu dem, was die meisten Europ\u00e4er wahrnehmen, was wiederum untrennbar mit der Zugeh\u00f6rigkeit zu einer Stadt oder gar einem Viertel verbunden ist. Das sind vor allem die Fans, die bereit sind, Geld f\u00fcr Tickets und Merchandising auszugeben, wie der wahre Aufstand der Fans der Clubs zeigt, die an der Super League teilnehmen wollten und die die Gesch\u00e4ftsf\u00fchrung des Landesverrats beschuldigten, so dass jenes Projekt in wenigen Stunden gescheitert ist. [13]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Eine Sache, die die Anf\u00fchrer des Golfs nicht verstehen k\u00f6nnen, da in diesen beiden L\u00e4ndern das Proletariat, das das Hauptreservoir der europ\u00e4ischen Fans ist, durch Einwanderer ersetzt wurde (65,2% der Einwohner von Katar, 88,2% der Einwohner der Vereinigten Arabische Emirate), die au\u00dferdem unter Bedingungen behandelt werden, die mit der Sklaverei vergleichbar sind und daher nicht sehr am lokalen Fu\u00dfball interessiert sind. Und wenn es stimmt, dass in Europa durch die Ausweitung der TV-Berichterstattung viele Menschen aus dem Stadion ferngeholt wurden (nicht \u00fcberall, angesichts der wachsenden Zuschauerzahlen in Deutschland und Gro\u00dfbritannien), bedeutet dies nicht, dass sich die \u00d6ffentlichkeit daf\u00fcr entschieden hat, aufzugeben, den kleinen lokalen Clubs zu folgen, um sich \u00fcber nur 12 Clubs auf der Welt zu freuen, wie von den Machern der Super League erhofft.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wie bereits erw\u00e4hnt, verfolgen Katar und die Emirate unterschiedliche Strategien. Paris St. Germain wird von der QIA Qatar Investment Authority kontrolliert, die dank der seit der Zusammenarbeit mit dem Team gewonnenen politischen Erkenntnisse die erforderliche staatliche Unterst\u00fctzung erhalten hat, um in die Beteiligung an Barclays, Sainsbury's, Harrods, Volkswagen, Walt Disney, Flughafen Heathrow London, Siemens, Shell und tausend andere Dinge einzutreten, darunter einige der besten Hotels Italiens und vor allem Sardiniens[14]<\/sup><\/a>. Fu\u00dfball ist daher eine M\u00f6glichkeit, Handelsbeziehungen aufzubauen, noch vor diplomatischen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In den Emiraten scheint dieses Konzept komplett auf den Kopf gestellt. Die nationale Fu\u00dfballliga besteht aus 14 Mannschaften, von denen mindestens drei (die drei Vereine mit der gr\u00f6\u00dften Tradition) zur Familie von Mohammed Bin Zayed Al-Nahyan geh\u00f6ren[15]<\/sup><\/a>. In keinem anderen Land der Welt geh\u00f6ren Fu\u00dfballmannschaften pers\u00f6nlich zum starken Mann des nationalen Regimes. Obwohl die Emirate viermal so viele Einwohner wie Katar haben, betr\u00e4gt die durchschnittliche Zuschauerzahl der katarischen Liga 11 Tausend Fans, die der Emirate weniger als die H\u00e4lfte.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Dies bedeutet, dass die Meisterschaft der Emiraten nur entscheidend f\u00fcr das Image ist, das die Familie Al-Nahyan auf der ganzen Welt zu etablieren versucht. Nat\u00fcrlich gibt es bei genauerem Hinsehen auch kommerzielle Vereinbarungen[16]<\/sup><\/a>, die aber nicht so wichtig erscheinen, auch weil der Mubadala-Konzern lieber Industriepartnerschaften aufbaut als einfache Finanzinvestitionsgesch\u00e4fte[17]<\/sup><\/a>. Ja, so? Wenn das Champions-League-Finale nicht jedes Jahr Manchester City vs. Paris St. Germain ... wenn diese beiden Mannschaften es nicht immer schaffen, die nationale Meisterschaft zu gewinnen ... wenn die Fans die beiden Mannschaften weiterhin als Engl\u00e4nder und Franzosen betrachten ... wenn das alles wahr ist, was ist das? Hat es Sinn, jedes Jahr so \u200b\u200bviele Milliarden in dieses bodenlose Abgrund des europ\u00e4ischen Profifu\u00dfballs zu werfen?<\/p>\n\n\n\n


\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a> https:\/\/www.independent.co.uk\/news\/people\/profiles\/sheikh-mansour-richest-man-football-2052350.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> https:\/\/web.archive.org\/web\/20190630210353\/https:\/\/www.telegraph.co.uk\/sport\/football\/2406994\/Bates-sells-off-Chelsea-to-a-Russian-billionaire.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/investment-committee\/khaldoon-al-mubarak<\/a> ; https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/board-of-directors<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/corporate-structure<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8]<\/a> https:\/\/www.cityfootballgroup.com\/our-clubs\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9]<\/a> https:\/\/www.forbes.com\/sites\/mikeozanian\/2021\/04\/12\/the-worlds-most-valuable-soccer-teams-barcelona-on-top-at-48-billion\/?sh=421d05616ac5<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10]<\/a> https:\/\/www.sportspromedia.com\/news\/neymar-psg-qatar-national-bank-endorsement-deal<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11]<\/a> https:\/\/www.docsity.com\/it\/sociologia-del-calcio\/4160762\/<\/a> ; https:\/\/journals.openedition.org\/qds\/1132<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12]<\/sup><\/strong><\/sup><\/strong><\/a> https:\/\/www.the-afc.com\/competitions\/afc-champions-league\/latest\/news\/al-ain-lift-uae-pro-league-title-in-style<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[13]<\/a> https:\/\/www.thenation.com\/article\/culture\/european-soccer-super-league\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[14]<\/a> https:\/\/www.tuttocagliari.net\/altre-notizie\/psg-e-non-solo-la-famiglia-al-thani-patrimonio-da-627-miliardi-di-dollari-19421<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[15]<\/a> https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/UAE_Pro_League<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[16]<\/a> https:\/\/investmentpolicy.unctad.org\/international-investment-agreements\/treaty-files\/425\/download<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

[17]<\/a> https:\/\/www.mubadala.com\/en\/who-we-are\/partnerships<\/a><\/p>\n","post_title":"Wenn die Cahmpions League in Abu Dhabi verloren geht","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"wenn-die-cahmpions-league-in-abu-dhabi-verloren-geht","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5363","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"},{"ID":5351,"post_author":"7","post_date":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_date_gmt":"2021-05-30 21:12:47","post_content":"\n

originally published:<\/em> 25 May 2021<\/strong> | origin:<\/em> https:\/\/www.reuters.com\/world\/middle-east\/exclusive-un-tribunal-lebanon-runs-out-funds-beiruts-crisis-spills-over-2021-05-25\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

A U.N. tribunal set up to prosecute those behind the 2005 assassination of Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri has run out of funding amid Lebanon's economic and political crisis, threatening plans for future trials, people involved in the process said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Closing the tribunal would dash the hopes of families of victims in the Hariri murder and other attacks, but also those demanding that a U.N. tribunal bring to justice those responsible for the Beirut port blast last August that killed 200 and injured 6,500.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Last year the U.N. Special Tribunal for Lebanon, located outside of The Hague, convicted former Hezbollah member Salim Jamil Ayyash for the bombing that killed Hariri and 21 others.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ayyash was sentenced in absentia to five life terms in prison, while three alleged accomplices were acquitted due to insufficient evidence. read more <\/a>. Both sides have appealed.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The court had been scheduled to start a second trial on June 16 against Ayyash, who is accused of another assassination and attacks against Lebanese politicians in 2004 and 2005 in the run-up to the Hariri bombing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Tuesday said he was aware of the court's financial problems.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Secretary-General continues to urge member states and the international community for voluntary contributions in order to secure the funds required to support the independent judicial proceedings that remain before the tribunal,\" U.N. Deputy spokesman Farhan Haq said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The funding shortfall comes as Lebanon faces its worst turmoil since Hariri\u2019s assassination. The country is deeply polarized between supporters of Iranian-backed militant group Hezbollah and its allies and supporters of Hariri\u2019s son, prime minister designate Saad al-Hariri, who declined to comment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

FINANCES \"VERY CONCERNING\"<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"If you abort the tribunal, if you abort this case, you are giving a free gift to the perpetrators and to those who do not want justice to take place,\" Nidal Jurdi, a lawyer for the victims in the second case, told Reuters.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Scrapping a new trial would not only harm victims who waited 17 years for the case to come to court, but would undermine accountability for crimes in Lebanon in general, Jurdi said, adding that a letter had been sent to the U.N. expressing concern.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It would be \"a disappointment for the victims of the connected cases and the victims of Lebanon\", he said, appealing for international funding.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"Lebanon needs full accountability,\" he said.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Created by a 2007 U.N. Security Council resolution and opened in 2009, the tribunal's budget last year was 55 million euros ($67 million) with Lebanon footing 49% of the bill and foreign donors and the U.N. members making up the rest.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is in a very concerning financial position,\" court spokeswoman Wajed Ramadan told Reuters. \"No decision has yet been taken on judicial proceedings and there are intense fundraising efforts going on to find a solution,\" she added.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The U.N. extended the mandate of the tribunal from March 1, 2021, for two years or sooner if the remaining cases were completed or funding ran out.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres warned in February that due to the financial crisis in Lebanon, the government\u2019s contribution was uncertain and warned the court may not be able to continue its work after the first quarter of 2021.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The 2021 budget had been trimmed by nearly 40 percent, forcing job cuts at the court, but the Lebanese government has still been unable to pay its share, according to U.N. documents.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Guterres requested an appropriation of about $25 million from the U.N. General Assembly for 2021. The General Assembly approved $15.5 million in March.<\/p>\n","post_title":"EXCLUSIVE U.N. tribunal for Lebanon runs out of funds as Beirut's crisis spills over","post_excerpt":"","post_status":"publish","comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","post_password":"","post_name":"exclusive-u-n-tribunal-for-lebanon-runs-out-of-funds-as-beiruts-crisis-spills-over","to_ping":"","pinged":"","post_modified":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_modified_gmt":"2025-02-02 08:35:43","post_content_filtered":"","post_parent":0,"guid":"https:\/\/dctransparency.com\/?p=5351","menu_order":0,"post_type":"post","post_mime_type":"","comment_count":"0","filter":"raw"}],"next":false,"prev":true,"total_page":33},"paged":1,"column_class":"jeg_col_2o3","class":"epic_block_3"};

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